‘We must tackle common challenges together’

Ambition

Water quality is another area where divergence has severe consequences. 

The EU is modernising its Urban Wastewater Treatment Directive to include smaller communities and introduce binding controls on microplastics and pharmaceuticals. Meanwhile, the UK proposed weakening protections, lacking a comprehensive strategy to tackle microplastic pollution, leaving our rivers and seas increasingly vulnerable. 

Similarly, air quality targets in the UK are a decade behind Europe’s commitments to World Health Organization standards, unnecessarily exposing communities to avoidable pollution.

Nature restoration commitments also sharply contrast between the UK and the EU. The EU’s Nature Restoration Law, agreed in 2024, sets legally binding targets to restore 20 percent of degraded land and sea by 2030 and ultimately all ecosystems needing restoration by 2050. 

While this falls short of the ambition necessary, the reality is that not only does the UK have no binding equivalent, the targets in the UK’s 2021 Environment Act are even less ambitious, lack clarity on delivery mechanisms and are already falling behind schedule.

Credibility

Effective environmental governance requires accurate data and robust reporting mechanisms. 

Restoring our membership of the European Environment Agency (EEA) and the European Environment Information and Observation Network (EIONET) would significantly enhance our ability to address ecological challenges. 

The EEA provides crucial data, monitoring and collaborative networks essential for effective environmental governance and informed policymaking. 

Rejoining would enable the UK to regain access to comprehensive environmental data and methodologies, reinforcing our credibility as a climate and environmental leader. There is clear precedent for this: non-EU countries including Norway, Switzerland and Turkey already participate.

We have clear evidence of the economic cost of divergence. Decoupling from the EU’s Internal Electricity Market means the UK is paying hundreds of millions more each year in electricity costs due to inefficient processes. 

Communities

Ultimately, these costs are borne by households already grappling with a cost-of-living crisis. This speaks directly to the need for closer energy cooperation as part of a renewed UK–EU partnership. 

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Rejoining the internal market would not only reduce prices but also strengthen our collective energy resilience, promote investment in renewables and provide stability in an increasingly volatile global landscape.

By formally linking the UK’s Emissions Trading System with the EU’s, British businesses could also avoid up to £800 million in unnecessary border charges under the EU’s Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM). 

While I have serious reservations about carbon trading, which is far from perfect, for as long as it remains the framework in place the sensible course is to ensure the systems work together. 

And as a critical part of this process, the UK should replicate the EU’s Social Climate Fund, which addresses the social impacts of climate policies by providing targeted support to vulnerable households and communities. 

Ecosystems

Establishing a similar mechanism in the UK would ensure climate action is fair and inclusive, reinforcing public support by demonstrating tangible everyday benefits.

Shared infrastructure and coordinated action are also essential. The North Sea has enormous potential to become Europe’s renewable energy powerhouse, yet the UK remains an observer rather than a full participant in the North Seas Energy Cooperation (NSEC). 

Without full membership, we miss critical decisions on joint planning, grid connections and environmental safeguards. 

By taking a seat at the table, the UK could help ensure North Sea developments fully account for nature and marine environments, embedding robust environmental assessments and promoting measures to mitigate negative impacts on wildlife and habitats. Offshore energy must advance hand in hand with the protection and restoration of the North Sea’s ecosystems.

Prosperity

Since leaving the EU, the UK chemicals industry has been burdened with costly regulatory duplication – estimated at £2 billion – without any corresponding improvement in safety. 

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EU chemical regulations, particularly the REACH framework (Registration, Evaluation, Authorisation and Restriction of Chemicals), continue to evolve, while the UK increasingly risks falling behind in banning harmful substances. 

This divergence not only increases health and environmental risks but also creates unnecessary hurdles for UK businesses trying to trade with the EU.

Aligning with REACH and rejoining the European Chemicals Agency (ECHA) as an associate member would restore access to crucial safety data, reduce duplication and streamline regulatory processes. Doing so would support both public health and economic prosperity.

Solutions

As co-president of the European Movement UK, I firmly believe the UK’s best interests are served by working more closely with our European neighbours. Cooperation must be the cornerstone of our climate and nature strategy, underpinning a safer, fairer and greener future for everyone.

A new UK–EU Energy, Climate and Environment Partnership is not merely aspirational – it is achievable, essential and firmly grounded in mutual self-interest. The foundations are already in place; what we now need is the vision to build on them.

As unprecedented ecological threats continue to mount, we cannot afford the luxury of political isolation. Every day of delay risks further damage to our environment, our economy and our shared future. It’s time for action, partnership and ambition.

Our common challenges demand common solutions. The climate and nature emergency won’t wait – and neither should we.

This Author

Caroline Lucas is the co-president of the European Movement UK. Lucas was the Green Party’s first MP, representing Brighton Pavilion until 2024, and is a former Leader of the Green Party of England and Wales. Her latest book, Another England: How to Reclaim our National Story, was published by Penguin Random House in 2024 and is a Sunday Times bestseller.

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