The findings are structured around five primary themes identified through thematic analysis of the articles. These interrelated themes include: 1) the conceptualization of involuntary immobility and its interpretation across studies, 2) the implications of involuntary immobility on well-being and mental health, 3) coping strategies and resilience mechanisms, 4) intersecting sources of vulnerability affecting well-being, and 5) policy recommendations and suggestions for future research. Each theme or subtheme’s frequency is indicated as a percentage in parentheses, and the charting table specifies which articles correspond to each (sub)theme.
Experiences of involuntary immobility across contexts
Definitions and terminology
The theme of involuntary immobility consistently emerged across the included articles but was expressed using varied terminologies. While most articles (11/13) used the term “involuntary immobility,” others employed descriptors such as “trapped populations” (8/13), “state of limbo” (3/13), and “stuckness” (1/13). The notion of “trapped populations” frequently appeared in climate-related contexts, referring to individuals unable to leave hazardous areas despite their desire to relocate. Asayesh and Kazemipur [24] introduced the term “homo emigraturus” to describe those who, while physically remaining in their local environment, are psychologically detached, envisioning futures elsewhere—a state termed “imagined migration”
A ‘culture of migration’ fueling strong migration aspirations
Several articles (6/13) highlight a cultural phenomenon in certain countries where migration, especially among young men, is actively encouraged and seen as a ‘rite of passage.’ Migration symbolizes the transition into adulthood and the pursuit of a better future, with successful migrants achieving high social status in their communities. Social media often reinforces the allure of a ‘better life elsewhere’ [25]. Two articles emphasize familial pressure to pursue specific professions due to their international career prospects, such as Van der Meij, Darby and Liston’s [26] work on football in Ghana, and Ortiga and Macabasag’s [27] study on being a nurse in the Philippines. These strategies aim to secure a brighter future for entire households, leaving young individuals feeling compelled to achieve financial success and contribute to their family’s welfare, thereby intensifying migration aspirations.
Barriers to migration
The realization of migration aspirations is often hindered by financial, legal, social, and psychological barriers. Financial constraints are a dominant theme across all articles. For instance, in Bangladesh, individuals hesitate to leave behind their belongings and valuables, termed mulloban jinispotro [28], contributing to immobility.
Legal barriers, particularly restrictive migration policies, make legal migration to the Global North challenging for sub-Saharan Africans [26, 29], Iranians [24], and others in the Global South. Asayesh and Kazemipur [24] note that fulfilling visa requirements, such as passing language tests and navigating bureaucratic processes in an unfamiliar language, is time-consuming, and long waiting periods add to uncertainty. Backlogs in visa applications and declining global demand for foreign nurses also contribute to the rising involuntary immobility among Filipino nurses [27].
Psychological and social barriers, extensively discussed in some articles, include loss of honor, identity, belonging, and social value, which can have paralyzing effects [30, 31]. Place attachment (3/13) is another psychosocial constraint, with strong emotional ties to one’s home and possessions deterring relocation [27]. This attachment often ensnares individuals, compounded by fear of the unknown [32, 33].
Well-being and mental health amidst involuntary immobility
Another overarching theme emerging from the analysis of the articles refers to the various ways involuntary immobility impacts individuals’ subjective well-being and mental health, encompassing sub-themes: (i) negative emotions triggered by immobility (ii) psychological distress from feeling trapped; (iii) the immobilizing effects of distress; and (iv) cultural concepts of distress linked to immobility.
Negative feelings and emotions
All articles identify a range of negative emotions among those facing involuntary immobility, including uncertainty (5/13), frustration (5/13), disappointment (6/13), shame (5/13), hopelessness (6/13), powerlessness (7/13), and despair (7/13). Asayesh and Kazemipur [24] describe Iranian individuals characterizing their lives as “living on the edge”, “up in the air” or “in limbo,” with pervasive uncertainty affecting all aspects of their lives. Frustration arises when migration efforts fail to yield results [24, 27, 29]. In West Africa, where migration signifies success, aspiring migrants often feel shame due to their inability to achieve “respectable” adulthood [26]. Their feelings of embarrassment and guilt are exacerbated by them fearing to disappoint their families’ expectations [25, 26, 29]. Hopelessness ensues when individuals perceive themselves trapped in unchanging, dire conditions [30]. This often overlaps with feelings of powerlessness, rooted in a lack of resources for change. Less frequently, emotions of regret and doubt emerge. For instance, Ortiga and Macabasag [27] document Filipino individuals profoundly regretting the significant time and effort invested in migration plans that ultimately failed.
Psychological distress: depression, anxiety, and trauma
Several articles document more extreme states of mental ill-being or psychological distress, including depression, anxiety, and trauma, associated with involuntary immobility. However, none utilized validated scales to measure these symptoms. Feelings of being trapped often resemble emotions linked to depression (4/13), such as helplessness and hopelessness [32]. Some studies also highlight a sense of meaninglessness (3/13) and “emotional numbness” stemming from hopelessness [25, 34]. Loss of social ties, environmental shifts, and a lack of future prospects further exacerbate depressive symptoms [31].
Anxiety (8/13) frequently arises from uncertainty, as individuals invest substantial effort in meeting migration requirements without assurance of success, leaving them in a state of suspension [24]. Additionally, fears surrounding migration, such as potential harm or death, heighten anxiety [28]. For instance, reports of sexual abuse in Bangladeshi evacuation shelters deter women from seeking safety or relocating, fearing similar experiences [35].
Trauma and its psychological impacts (2/13) are linked to being trapped in dangerous or oppressive environments, leading to acute stress [32]. For men, failure to fulfill societal expectations, such as supporting their families through migration, amplifies feelings of powerlessness and guilt, intensifying trauma’s emotional toll [35].
The immobilizing role of psychological distress
The reviewed studies highlight a vicious cycle between involuntary immobility and well-being loss. Psychological distress and trauma, as emphasized by Ayeb-Karlsson [35] and Ayeb-Karlsson and colleagues [34] emerge as significant immobilizing factors in their own right. In Dhaka’s informal settlements, individuals described how mental ill-being left them “mentally paralysed” and “trapped in the prison of their mind” [30]. Thus, while involuntary immobility compromises well-being, a loss of well-being, in turn, further compromises the capability to move. This reinforces the feeling of being trapped and limits opportunities for growth and mobility [32].
Cultural concepts of distress in connection to immobility
A majority of studies (10/13) highlight the cultural variability in how mental health is understood and symptoms are expressed, particularly in connection to involuntary immobility. These studies acknowledge the importance of local idioms of distress. Harasym, Raju and Ayeb-Karsson [32] draw on the Cultural Concepts of Distress (CCD) perspective, which refers to the “ways that cultural groups experience, understand, and communicate suffering, behavioral problems or troubling thoughts and emotions” [36]. Mental health conditions vary across settings, where language used in diagnostic manuals like the DSM or ICD may not translate seamlessly. For example, Europeans often emphasize affective symptoms like sadness, shame, or guilt, when expressing depressive states, while Nigerians are more likely to report somatic symptoms such as chest pressure or burning sensations. This variability extends to how involuntary immobility affects well-being [32]. Most studies are attentive to the idioms used in local contexts. In Gambia, for instance, “nerves syndrome” or “napse” describes “youth who want to travel so desperately that they cannot think of much else” [25]. This leaves young people idle, spending their days without meaningful activity and overwhelmed by feelings of hopelessness, despair, or desperation [25, 29]. Similarly, Harasym, Raju and Ayeb-Karlsson [32] identify ‘feeling trapped’ or ‘stuck’ as idioms of distress used across a variety of cultural setting by local populations to connect their psychosocial well-being with experiences of (involuntarily) immobility. The authors emphasize this as a critical research gap needing further attention.
Coping and resilience mechanisms
A recurring theme in the studies involves the coping and resilience strategies employed by individuals facing involuntary immobility. While involuntary immobility significantly impacts well-being, the reviewed articles (5/13) reveal a lack of adequate mental health support services, leaving individuals to navigate their trauma and emotions alone [30]. Many resort to coping mechanisms, some of which perpetuate negative cycles, while others foster resilience and a sense of hope for alternative pathways.
Coping mechanisms
Isolation and avoidance (2/13) are employed as coping mechanisms for managing shame associated with involuntary immobility. For instance, former players from a Ghanaian football academy avoid returning to their hometowns to escape societal judgment after failing to secure international careers. One expressed, “I do not want to show myself to people that I came back home” [26]. Similarly, Iranian aspiring migrants isolate themselves by cutting local social ties, seen as barriers to migration [24].
Substance abuse and gambling, reported in one-third of the studies, emerge as means of coping with unfulfilled social responsibilities and passing the time [37]. While offering a temporary escape from the harsh reality, these behaviors can lead to dependency, exacerbating emotional distress. Additionally, some articles (3/13) address the occurrence of suicide or suicidal ideation linked to involuntary immobility. Two studies highlight the devastating impact of sexual abuse in evacuation shelters on women, who face heightened vulnerability and honor erosion. Such distress may escalate to suicide or self-harm as a perceived escape. Even the fear of sexual abuse during migration can provoke severe psychological distress, leading to suicidal thoughts or fatal self-harming behavior [35].
Maintaining a positive mindset
Many studies (11/13) highlight that interviewees maintain a hopeful outlook through various resilience mechanisms. Some individuals have embraced living in uncertainty by relying on their faith in a higher power to determine their destiny. Men in coastal Bangladesh often believe Allah protects those who take action, while women are more inclined to see their fate as predestined, trusting that life and death are ultimately decided by God [28, 35]. Others find comfort in facing current challenges rather than risking unknown obstacles through migration [37].
Some actively seek solutions to their situation and find renewed purpose in life by pursuing local job opportunities. Former football players join local teams, hoping to attract international scouts [26]. Similarly, Filipino nurses invest in local jobs, preparing for future caregiving roles for aging parents [27].
However, not all are ready to abandon migration dreams. Asayesh and Kazemipur [24] describe ‘Homo Emigraturus,’ a phenomenon among involuntarily immobile Iranians who adopt a transitional self-identity, focusing on career development to improve migration prospects. This shift often entails weakening ties to their home countries, including political apathy, while navigating prolonged immobility. In contrast, others resort to riskier strategies, such as irregular migration (2/13). In the Gambia, individuals facing ‘napse,’ a state of hopelessness tied to immobility, invest scarce resources in smugglers to undertake dangerous, unofficial journeys to Europe. Despite recent fatal disasters on these routes, the desperation to escape immobilization drives them to risk their lives [29].
Intersecting layers of vulnerability
The articles highlight the complexities of involuntary immobility’s impact on well-being, identifying subgroups and circumstances that exacerbate vulnerability. This section examines key sources of additional vulnerabilityFootnote 1.
Gendered experiences of involuntary immobility and well-being
Gender is a significant factor influencing vulnerability amid experiences of involuntary immobility (9/13). Most studies take place in contexts defined by patriarchal structures and gendered societal norms that perpetuate inequality and constrain mobility choices. Traditional roles frame women as emotional and vulnerable, expected to prioritize household and childcare responsibilities. Even in regions with strong migration cultures, such as West Africa, migration expectations typically center on men [26, 29]. Mobility is often considered unsafe for women unless under the guardianship of a male relative. Consequently, women are discouraged from independent migration due to safety concerns and fears of ‘bad luck’ [28, 30]. Despite their caution, women in evacuation shelters face an increased risk of sexual abuse, with severe repercussions for their well-being [35]. Restricted decision-making power further limits women’s mobility aspirations, making them particularly prone to involuntary immobility.
While several studies—particularly those set in Bangladesh—engage deeply with the gendered effects of immobility, others largely omit women’s experiences. In these cases, the absence of gender-disaggregated perspectives limits the scope of analysis and obscures the specific constraints and vulnerabilities faced by women. This imbalance highlights the need for more inclusive research designs that capture the full range of gendered experiences.
Exposure to climate-induced events and environmental stress
Climate-induced events and environmental stress heighten vulnerability to involuntary immobility (7/13), often resulting in significant losses that trap individuals in harmful environments. Trauma from such environmental stressors can lead to anxiety and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), as individuals relive past traumas, fear losing loved ones, or face the prospect of dying alone [35]. This emotional paralysis hampers decision-making and relocation [34]. Moreover, eco-distress and climate anxiety worsen psychological states, creating a distressing cycle that compounds immobility and diminishes well-being [33].
Socioeconomic vulnerability
Poverty (9/13) is another significant source of heightened vulnerability associated with involuntary immobility and its adverse effects on well-being. Financial and material constraints often prevent relocation, even when individuals strongly desire to migrate, increasing the prevalence of involuntary immobility. This lack of resources increases vulnerability to environmental changes and limits adaptive capacities in the face of climate-related disasters [35]. As a result, poverty exacerbates the psychological and material impacts of involuntary immobility, perpetuating cycles of vulnerability and diminished well-being.
Children
Although our review did not include studies on the well-being of children left behind due to parental migration, relevant findings are highlighted in the included studies (8/13). Children are often regarded as particularly vulnerable in the context of immobility, being emotionally fragile and easily frightened. Experiencing immobility during childhood has lasting effects on their well-being and future mobility aspirations [28]. Children frequently become unintended victims of parental circumstances, such as divorce or the loss of a parent, bearing the consequences of their parents’ mobility decisions. In migration contexts like the Philippines, mothers may leave children behind to remarry, with children perceiving this as abandonment, damaging their well-being [37]. Eldest children often assume caregiving roles for siblings, leading to neglect, stress, anxiety, depression, and even suicidal thoughts for both the eldest and younger siblings. Some may turn to drugs to cope [37]. In coastal cities of Bangladesh, childhood trauma can manifest in play behaviors, such as burying toys after witnessing death [35]. The long-term effects of childhood immobility highlight the critical need for comprehensive support and interventions to mitigate its intergenerational impact.
Policy recommendations and suggestions for future research from the reviewed articles
The reviewed articles highlight the complexity of addressing involuntary immobility’s impact on well-being and propose several policy recommendations and research priorities.
Policy recommendations
Most policy suggestions focus on immobility within the context of climate change. Climate policies must account for how (im)mobility decisions affect well-being (3/13) and prioritize addressing mental health challenges and trauma through sustainable treatment plans [30]. There is a pressing need to integrate mental health and well-being considerations into broader international frameworks, such as the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), the United Nations Office for Disaster Risk Reduction (UNDRP), and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Particularly, the concept of “non-economic losses and damages” related to migration and immobility requires more attention within the UNFCCC framework [35]. National-level frameworks should strengthen climate change and human (im)mobility policies to better support migrants and those left behind, as seen in Bangladesh and the Philippines [34, 37]. Increased political and financial efforts are essential to ensure immediate access to psychological support for immobile populations [34].
Policy and research efforts in Disaster Risk Reduction should move beyond simplistic vulnerability relations, considering the deep cultural, societal, and personal contexts shaping individuals’ mobility aspirations (3/13) and adopt people-centered approaches to environmental changes [35]. Integrating “cultural concepts of distress” into migration and mental health policies is crucial, particularly in high-risk areas where humanitarian actors must consider cultural nuances to provide effective support [32].
Furthermore, programs encouraging individuals to remain in their home countries must consider complex and nuanced motivations that surpass mere restrictions on mobility [29]. Storytelling initiatives reveal how non-economic losses affect well-being and mobility, emphasizing the need for careful, bottom-up approaches to resettlement and relocation programs [35]. Finally, livelihood support for farmers and fishermen can mitigate drivers of forced migration, such as poverty and debt. These efforts enable communities to sustainably remain in place, reducing reliance on migration as a coping strategy while improving overall well-being [37].
Based on the reviewed literature, several policy-relevant directions can be articulated for various institutional and professional actors. Governments and international organizations should prioritize the integration of mental health services into programs addressing (im)mobility, particularly in high-risk and climate-vulnerable areas. NGOs and mental health professionals have an important role to play in delivering culturally sensitive psychosocial interventions, ideally grounded in community-based approaches such as peer support or participatory storytelling. These approaches, which emerged across multiple studies, can foster individual and collective resilience. Moreover, migration policymakers should consider the unintended well-being effects of restrictive migration regimes. Visa policies, labor migration channels, and local livelihood programs could be re-evaluated in light of their role in generating or alleviating involuntary immobility. Finally, structural drivers of immobility—particularly economic precarity and environmental vulnerability—should be addressed through investments in livelihood diversification and locally led adaptation strategies. These integrated efforts can contribute to reducing the psychosocial toll of involuntary immobility and to promoting well-being more broadly.
Suggestions for future research
The reviewed articles identify key research priorities to deepen understanding of involuntary immobility’s effects on well-being and mental health. First, there is a critical need for further research into the mental health consequences of being trapped in place, including the exploration of conditions such as depression, anxiety, and other psychological issues [25]. Research should also prioritize the unique experiences and motivations of female migrants (2/13). Although many women and unaccompanied minors face severe consequences when forced to remain, their voices remain so far underrepresented. Understanding their distinct contexts and experiences is vital for addressing the complexity of migration aspirations [25, 29].
A significant portion of the reviewed studies (7/13) examines climate-induced (im)mobility and its detrimental impacts on well-being. Losses related to honor, identity, belonging, and social value profoundly and enduringly affect individuals’ mental health [30]. Understanding how to mitigate and address these damages is crucial for safeguarding people’s well-being. Three studies advocate moving beyond simplistic vulnerability models to explore the interplay between (im)mobility and non-economic losses and damage, linking this latter concept to mental health [30, 34]. The underexplored realms of non-economic loss and damage and trapped populations are put forward to present vital opportunities for interdisciplinary research collaboration [35]. Three articles suggest that people-centered investigations of gendered (im)mobility through a psychosocial lens are the way forward, examining gendered values surrounding mental health and local understandings of well-being. Analysing immobility through a psychosocial lens is thereby crucial, as it highlights the social roots of gender vulnerability during disasters [28]. Additionally, re-evaluating oversimplified classifications of trapped populations and focusing on individual experiences will foster a more nuanced understanding.
Future research should encompass diverse geographical, cultural, and social settings (3/13) to capture the nuances of gendered immobility experiences across contexts [34]. Moreover, the intersection between cultural concepts of distress and immobility deserves more investigation to strengthen evidence-based policymaking and practice [32].
Lastly, research emphasizing the role of discourses and subjectivity is crucial (2/13). In some cases and for certain populations, narratives surrounding climate change exacerbate anxiety and fear, shaping perceptions of safety and mobility [33]. Exploring psychological factors like self-beliefs and thought patterns associated with feeling trapped offers avenues for addressing global mental health challenges [32]. Investigating the “culture of migration” could illuminate how cultural norms perpetuate migration aspirations despite low feasibility of migration to certain destinations [24]. Finally, exploring how involuntary immobility shapes social environments and affects immigrant integration in host societies could provide valuable insights into broader migration dynamics [24].